On 14 August 1941 US President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill made the following declaration of “certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future of the world.” [...]
Internationaler Tonfilm? (1931) Der stumme Film war keineswegs in dem Sinne international, in dem die landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen und die Kragenknöpfchen es sind. Gewiß, da er das Glück hatte, keine Worte machen zu müssen – es sei denn in den Bildtiteln, die leicht übersetzbar waren –, konnte er überall hindringen, wo man zu sehen verstand. Aber die Sprache der Bilder ist kaum minder national bedingt wie die der Musik. Und so wenig die musikalische Ausdrucksweise eines Volkes einem anderen ohne weiteres einzugehen vermag, ebensowenig entsprechen die visuellen Verständigungsmittel der verschiedenen Nationen von vornherein einem natürlichen Esperanto. […]
On former occasions we have expressed our approbation of the plan of this popular work, and our satisfaction with the general execution. The present volume, just issued from the press, contains, among the additions by the American editors, biographical notices of James Monroe, Gen. Richard Montgomery, Gen. Daniel Morgan, William Morgan, Robert Morris, Gouverneur Morris, Gen. William Moultrie, William Vans Murray, James Otis, Robert Treat Paine, Theophilus Parsons, and C.W. Peale (the founder of the Philadelphia Museum.) It is to be regretted that the department of American Biography presents generally only a few meager details.[...]
A segregated Germany, which developed in a manner unrelated to Western Europe would constitute a danger to Western Europe and our objectives. Economically, the interrelationship of Germany and the rest of Western Europe is so close and Germany’s economic potential so great that if it were again to pursue a policy of seeking only its own economic well-being and the greatest degree of autarchy, it might well dominate Western Europe.[...]
The undersigned writers, comprising amongst them men and women of the most divergent political and social views, some of them having been for years ardent champions of good will towards Germany, and many of the extreme advocates of peace, are nevertheless agreed that Great Britain could not without dishonour have refused to take part in the present war. [...]
The world has just passed through an agony of pain compared to which the French Revolution was a mere incident. The shock has been so great that it has killed the last spark of hope in the breasts of million of men. They were chanting a hymn of progress, and four years of slaughter followed their prayers for peace. “Is it worth while,” so they ask, “to work and slave for the benefit of creatures who have not yet passed beyond the stage of the earliest cave men?” [...]
The American public gives too much credit to what may be called, and what is called in Europe, our effort to guide the world aright. America’s great world political position is not due primarily to our moral leadership but primarily to our wealth and economic position. It is not to our moral teachings that the rest of the world responds, but to our material power. If we were a poor and weak nation the world would today care no more about what we thought than did the world before the Great War. [...]
''What I envy you is your liberty," observed M. de Bellegarde, „your wide range, your freedom to come and go, your not having a lot of people, who take themselves awfully seriously, expecting something of you. I live," he added with a sigh, „beneath the eyes of my admirable mother." [...]
It would be impossible for me either to appear at or write to your Convention in the aim of furnishing a contribution to your deliberations, except in connection with my own life-work, and the deep convictions which instigated that life-work, and which have become even more and more profound as I continued in it.[...]